Analisis Literario de Los Bandidos Del Rio Frio. Uploaded by Dagna Huwe Download as DOCX, PDF, TXT or read online from Scribd. Flag for inappropriate . Novela en el México del siglo XIX Novela publicada por entregas en folletín, primero en Barcelona de a , y después en México de a Directed by Rogelio A. González. With Luis Aguilar, César del Campo, Dagoberto Rodríguez, Fernando Casanova.
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Desastre historico provocado por la Manuel Payno Los bandidos de Río Frío ( fragmento) "Los valentones de Tepetlaxtoc no quedaron muy contentos de la. Los bandidos de Río Frío (Spanish Edition) and millions of other books are available for Amazon .. and the edition is really bad, i hope it ca be fixed and let us know to download it again. The format is more like pdf and the text is all garbled. Los bandidos de Río Frío es una novela del escritor mexicano Manuel Payno. Fue publicada . Crear un libro · Descargar como PDF · Versión para imprimir.
However, allow me to present a number of general points that can serve to roughly identify sorne ofliberalism's defining problems a broadly defined liberal "vision" throughout the nineteenth century, espe- cially from mid- to late nineteenth century, when the aforementioned authors were most active and produced their most important works. Liberals were intent on creating a viable and modern nation'-state. This was to mean a state that would exert continuous and homogenous territor- ial sovereignty and enjoy an uncontested monopoly on legal violence. Control of the territory would be coupled with the imposition of the nation as a cultural synthesis serving as the primary locus of affiliation, where inhabitants of a given territory would be, first and foremost, fellow citizens in cultural if not always legal terms. Citizenship would serve as the primary identity marker; ideally, there would be equaliry befo re the law and a single legal system based on a constitution , with no room for significant corporate privileges or differentiated legal status such as those granted during the colonial era to the church, the military, and the Indians and Indian communities.
In order to achieve this, the state would erect an institutional infrastructure to carry out what was formerly J88 Liberal Literati performed by the church. Furthermore, in a liberal, secular society, the market would be together with the state; Mexican liberalism has a statist bent a powerful civilizing force, not only bringing material prosperity, but also and perhaps mainly fostering, through the development of produc- tive forces, a meaningful division of labor and hence organic solidarity by linking together individuals, groups, and regions in the common albeit competitive pursuit of wealth.
Of course, the removal of all colonial barriers to commerce and industry,in addition to the creation of a modern tax system, were essential as part of a wholesale shedding of the colonial legacies. Literature was an essential tool in shaping, debating, legitimating, and promoting the liberal vision. The most obvious role performed by litera- tute was that of educating and persuading the public of the truth and the virtues of the liberal program.
The identity-making aspect of literary production of the time is highlighted by the fact that popular reading was, in a highly illiterate society such as Mexico, often a collective act that lent itself to discussions, exchanges, and evaluations - that is, to the constitution of a public sphere well beyond actual readers: But literature is usually more than an arena to debate or propagate ideas: the narrative framework in particular allows for the naturalization of a vision. Altamirano, perhaps the most self-aware of the group, put it aptly when he said that the novel was the "Bible of the nineteenth century.
But it is also a book that puts forward a narrative of a collectivity coming into being through challenges and travails, and a narrative that projects a vision for the future. Above all, a Bible is not only a book that talks about a people, but also a book that brings a people together as the "people of the Book" and therefore makes the writer the prophet or the voice of that history and that future.
One can certainly stand in awe at the sheer ability of these larger- than-life figures to intervene in public affairs while compiling massive amounts of writing.
Of course, what for usare now differentiated spheres of activity were for them just different aspects of a single activity, aspects that nowadays rarely if at all fall under the purview of a single indivi- dual. It would be impossible, in the limited space of this essay, to provide a clear picture of the breadth of work these authors put forward, or to analyze a particular work in any detail.
So I have opted for a middle path. I will present five crucial concerns of liberalliterati, and I will analyze a single work by each author, representing, as I see it, that concern. The English-language translation passages from these works are my own. Though I am consciously not doing justice to the authors' ooeuvre, I am mapping sorne of the liberalliterati' s central concerns; in doing so, I hope to provide a map of the intellectual universe of nineteenth-century Mexican liberalism.
But he was more than a loyal sword. He was an active propagandist, writing and publishing newspapers, prose, and poetry to support the struggle. The end of the war would not slow the pace of his activity: in he was appointed member of the Supreme Court, with the mission of reestablishing it after the hiatus of the civil wars.
This was by no means the end of his long career in public service. The fact that most of these works deal with the colonial period offers a clue about why Riva Palacio would feel the urgency to write and publish such a significant corpus of novels at this crucial juncture in Mexican Liberal Literati history. If the serial novel was paramount to Riva Palacio's ideological project, it was because discussing the seventeenth century and its emble- matic institution, the lnquisition in the nineteenth century was a pressing need.
The wars were necessary in order to forcibly remove what were perceived as the holdouts of Spanish colonialism corporative privileges, intolerance, theocracy, the unfettered power of. Monja y casada, his most famous novel, is set before and during the riots that brought down Viceroy Diego Carrillo de Mendoza, Marquis of Gelves.
The riots, the novel explains, were organized by the New Spain bureaucracy, the church hierarchy including the archbishop and the Inquisition and the Audiencia, powerful sectors that were aggravated by the viceroy's reformist zeal. But the novel is also the story of the loves and hatreds of severa! The plot of Monja y casada is convoluted, but it is very loosely held together by Blanca' s sufferings, misadventures, and eventual death.
She offers the occasion to make the case about the asocial nature of colonial society as well as to please the male gaze with her naked body displayed and broken on the rack in the lnquisition's torture chambers.
The social milieu is roughly divided into three realms: victims such as Blanca , villains men and women guided by lust or greed, always fighting and betraying everybody else , and popular characters who play both sides of the divide and are largely ineffective. The complex or merely confusing quality of the plot can be and has been attributed to Riva Palacio's haste he was no stylist or his inability to handle severa!
And this is true: Riva Palacio was not Dumas or Sue. But another reason is that no overarching conflict could organize all of the narrative lines into one. Colonial Mexico was not a society, but a jungle; thus, there was not a single conflict to narrare, but rather a perennial, universal state of conflict.
In fact, the lnquisition seems to be just a tool for plots hatched elsewhere. For example, at the beginning of the novel, Luisa and Sosa her lover, then husband, 'then victim use the Inquisition to dispose of Don Carlos de Ata Sosa's commercial competitor and Luisa's owner.
The lnquisition will even- tually execute Luisa, but in error: the inquisitors thought they were garroting Blanca, who will in fact be executed following the diabolic designs of Don Pedro, who wants her dead so he can finally enjoy his fortune unhindered. Colonial society is not a society; it is the place where horno homini lupus. Poetic justice, too, is lacking here. This is the measure of Riva Palacio' s condemnation of colo- nial sodety.
Nothing emerges from that sodety; therefore, it has to end, it has to die, completely and without rest, in order for the new liberal sodety to emerge. The civil war that had just been fought would seem like a "natural" consequence, over the long duration, of this sad state of affairs. Why must this bleak portrait of colonial society play out in a romance? As 1 have mentioned, a romance can naturalize a political project, making historical institutions self-evident by disguising them as other institutions that look less historical like the heterosexual monogamous couple joined by love, or the nuclear family.
But in Riva Palacio's novel, there are no institutions or ideologies to legitimize. In the Riva Palacio novels, none of this is called "liberalism," and none of it is attributed to a character that would be a liberal hero avant la lettre.
Liberalism is present, but only as a formless, nameless aspiration, to be given a name and historical relevance centuries later. There, he creates a kind of parallel state: legitimate, meticulously honest, and impeccably efficient i. The principies that regulate the very existence of the V alley as a body poli tic are built upon the cultural capital of the former bandit gang. The novel ends with Astucia relinquishing his role as the ruler of the Valley, with the burial both material and symbolic of his identity as "Colonel Astucia" and with his retirement- together with his wife, Amparo, his children, and his extended family - to private life and "Octavian peace" in the patriarchal order of a middle-sized agracian property.
This scene of double recogni- tion - apparently wichout fissures - remains, however, problematic. This is the condition of the last level of meaning: che novel itselfis both the new epic poecry of che nation-state and the new agora of che citizens' abstract assembly.
The novel is set in the interim period between che Three Years' War and the Imervention, the latter a fighc that the nation as a whole would wage. In Memorias de mis tiempos, Prieto put it this way: "What I am trying to portray, even though I cannot figure out how, is the mor- phology of that heterogeneous society, comprising a number of complete parts that, however, did not fully relate to any of the other ones; a society that looked like a coherent whole from afar, but that when examined from up close became an assortment of disparate units" Prieto, One could say that Prieto' s ultimare goal is not much different from that of Altamirano: a totalization of the social and a symbolic resolution of the many conflicts that tore Mexican society apart.
Altamirano and Riva Palacio both attempted a symbolic totalization through romance.
Prieto, in contrast, attempts a totalization of a different order. In his works, there is no privileged space that functions as the focus of the national drama; rather, there are myriad spaces, characters, and practices that, together, form the nation. This is why his texts deal with every conceivable social scenario and everyday circumstance: an old man' s love for a young girl; a street fight; a parade; a carnival; a boat ride through one of Mexico City' s lakes; a village religious or civic festivity; a crime of passion;.
They describe the customs and the costumes, the foods and the drinks, the social types and the strange exceptions. Prieto finds the national in the familiar and the quotidian, not or not only in the epic. And he does this with a tone that it is almost always celebratory, almost never paternalistic. Liberal Literati Altamirano seemed to believe in great transformations. Prieto, in com- parison, seemed to believe in infinitely small ones of which we are never aware or of which we become aware only thanks to the pen of the cronista or the wandering poet.
Both believed in the nation as an imagined community, but Prieto did not want to embody this belief in exemplary characters;rather, he wanted todo so by presenting and connecting diverse segments of the populace that may never actually be in touch with each other through the mediation of writing, so that the notion of coexistence in time and through space arises in his work.
The nation in its entirety- in its proliferating, multitudinous nature -lives virtually in him. It would be a daunting task to summarize the novel.
It may suffice to say that the novel presents an ample repertoire of subjects of violence, from the president an euphemism for Santa Anna to the Apaches of the northwestern frontier.
However, the central conflict focuses. These enterprises, which span several states and are supported by an efficient system of information, as the novel tirelessly points out, function with more regularity and efficiency than any institution of the Mexican state.
He does this by linking together state institu- tionality, a predatory version of a market economy, premodern prejudices, and violence. It is thus impossible to differentiate robbery from govern- ment and violence. Even though his power rests on coercion, this coercion becomes imperceptible - just as it does in successful nation-states.
But unlike what happens in Astucia where this collusion is hailed as moral or El Zarco where it is considered a catastrophe - the collusion there attempted "from below" - here, in Payno, the criminaliza- tion of the state happens "from above. Payno' s story is set in Santa Anna' s Mexico, but it reads as an allegory of Payno's present, criticizing a state that prides itself on the suppression of banditry and on the promotion of the best features of European civilization.
Banditry is a raw, savage form of modernity that takes sorne of its more emblematic aspirations to the limit the limit of the absurd and of decomposition. The bandit state exerts effective territorial sovereignty.
By turning bandits into bandit hunters, the bandit state becomes the sole agent of violence. The bandit state, in addition, becomes an effective revenue- collecting machine, while imposing an unheard-of level of order and institutional regularity upon Mexican society, thus allowing for the inter- national recognition of Mexico among the concert of nations. This perfect order accomplishes what the santanista state could not: the incorporation of vast, previously marginalized sectors of the population into the bandit network.
In his novel, Payno depicts sectors of the population of Mexico City and the V alley who live in situations of extreme marginality. These sectors are the usual victims of state in justice. In most cases, they lack health services and the most basic infrastructure. The reason for the demise could be put this way: any institutional synthesis - state or otherwise, but particularly state - must base its operations on a Liberal Literati transcendent principie that ensures its internal coherence.
In modern states, this principie is an emancipatory one, and it is calied "the nation.
He does not then substitute the state' s axiological origin with any other origin; he just ruins any consolidated attribution of origin. Thus, the bandit-state cannot be a nation-state or, more precisely, it becomes a failed nation-state because it does not create an alternative universe of symbols or alternative affiliations upon which it can establish a principie of reg- ularity, permanence, and loyalty over time.
That is why, justas quickly as it forros itself and rises to absolute dominance, it falls apart. The collapse does not come about through any external pressure; the bandit-state falls apart because money cannot consolidare anything by itself.
El Zarco. Xalapa, Mexico: Universidad Veracruzana, Eljefe de los hermanos de la hoja o los charros contrabandistas de la Rama. Payno, Manuel. Prieto, Guillermo. Musa callejera. Memorias de mis tiempos. Paris: Viudad de Bouret, Actualidades de la semana l.
Mexico: Conaculta, The smugglers, then, are the true heirs of the insurrectional legacy against a Mexico that, through the metaphor of the tobacco monopoly and the Resguardo, has beco me or has always been a criminal band.
The paternal legacy the endowment of the insurgent values that Astucia proudly displays as the foundation of orallaw creates a common memory. Before or alongside the memory of their own feats, the charros share the memory of the feats of their elders. Thus, the Brotherhood of the Leaf is a sort ofimagined community formed by a completely oral medium in the successive tales of each of the charros that occupies the bulk of the first part of the novel.
Liberal Literati Astucia represents the collusion between alternative statehood and local violence. This is the cornerstone of his program's success and the culmination of this unusual political fable.
In it, a violent subject outside the law brings political order into existence where the identity between community and oral law is so precise that violence disappears: a "nation" whose "state" works in such a perfect fashion that the latter can disappear as such, and the mo'nopoly on violence is so perfect and so legitimate that it does not have to be exerted. The Birth of the Liberal State: Altamirano El Zarco posthumously published in is Altamirano's most famous novel, and it is the portion of his fictional production that best illustrates his moralizing and utopian intent.
The Plateados impressed the collective imagination, but not as desperate rebels; because of their power and haughty regional control, they were admired more as rulers.
In the novel, the Plateados do not act like guerrillas in enemy-dominated territory - in fact, they are better equipped and more disciplined than regular armies. They are funded by a taxation system that burdens neighboring haciendas and highway tolls, and they also resort to kidnappings.
The Plateados even have accepted symbols of shared identity, such as the silver ornaments that give them their name. For all practical purposes, the Plateados are a state, which summarizes in their alterna tive territoriality all that is opposed to the institutions and bourgeois discipline supported by the liberal project.
More threateningly, they were allies of the Mexican state, thus achieving regional recognition as informal power holders. El Zarco, then, must be read as afable about how the collusion between Plateados and the state is erased.
The Plateados have to be obliterated for the nation-state to emerge. What is unique to the novel is that it is not the state that destroys the Plateados.
This is afable about the birth of the people as a community of JUAN PABLO DABOVE individuals-citizens and the birth of the state as a sector of civil society charged with monopolizing violence for the common good , and it por- trays this birth as natural, logical, and necessary. El Zarco is the story of two romances. The second is the story of the ill-starred passion that Manuela, t Antonia's daughter, harbored for Zarco, the irresistibly good-looking captain of the Plateados.
At the beginning of the novel, these two romances are crossed.
But she scorns him because he is a "horrible Indian" and a "poor artisan. Manuela dies by his side. Befo re the integration of difference the foundational romance of the mestizo, liberal, capitalistic nation , the erasure of what is radically differ- ent as embodied in the bandit is essential.
This makes the romance some- how redundant: it is only the ritual of the incorporation of the already incorporated. Thus, the destruction of the bandit gang is the real political stance of the novel, allowing for an imaginary a posteriori refounding of the national project. For one thing, this refounding allows for the re-creation of the state as a new contract between people and rulers, as the conciliation of regional conflicts, and as the expropriation of control over violence.
For another, it allows for the reestablishment of the family as a privileged space of citizenship that replaces the genealogical model of colonial times with the liberal generative model. Liberal Literati! He terrorizes peasant communities to the point of unofficially prohibiting silver ornaments Altamirano, , he imparts justice not sanctioned by any written code 2ooo: , he is cruel to the point ofhorror 2ooo: , and he acts asan "Angel ofDeath" 2ooo: His biography is, in fact, a bandic's tale, but reversed: che state did not dishonor him, curning him into a bandit; rather, che bandits affronted him, turning him into a vigilante first anda state officiallater.
This dialogue represencs an act of reciproca! This scene of double recogni- tion - apparently wichout fissures - remains, however, problematic.
This is the condition of the last level of meaning: che novel itselfis both the new epic poecry of che nation-state and the new agora of che citizens' abstract assembly. The novel is set in the interim period between che Three Years' War and the Imervention, the latter a fighc that the nation as a whole would wage.
In Memorias de mis tiempos, Prieto put it this way: "What I am trying to portray, even though I cannot figure out how, is the mor- phology of that heterogeneous society, comprising a number of complete parts that, however, did not fully relate to any of the other ones; a society that looked like a coherent whole from afar, but that when examined from up close became an assortment of disparate units" Prieto, One could say that Prieto' s ultimare goal is not much different from that of Altamirano: a totalization of the social and a symbolic resolution of the many conflicts that tore Mexican society apart.
Altamirano and Riva Palacio both attempted a symbolic totalization through romance. Prieto, in contrast, attempts a totalization of a different order.
In his works, there is no privileged space that functions as the focus of the national drama; rather, there are myriad spaces, characters, and practices that, together, form the nation.
This is why his texts deal with every conceivable social scenario and everyday circumstance: an old man' s love for a young girl; a street fight; a parade; a carnival; a boat ride through one of Mexico City' s lakes; a village religious or civic festivity; a crime of passion;. They describe the customs and the costumes, the foods and the drinks, the social types and the strange exceptions. Prieto finds the national in the familiar and the quotidian, not or not only in the epic.
And he does this with a tone that it is almost always celebratory, almost never paternalistic. Liberal Literati Altamirano seemed to believe in great transformations. Prieto, in com- parison, seemed to believe in infinitely small ones of which we are never aware or of which we become aware only thanks to the pen of the cronista or the wandering poet. Both believed in the nation as an imagined community, but Prieto did not want to embody this belief in exemplary characters;rather, he wanted todo so by presenting and connecting diverse segments of the populace that may never actually be in touch with each other through the mediation of writing, so that the notion of coexistence in time and through space arises in his work.
The nation in its entirety- in its proliferating, multitudinous nature -lives virtually in him. It would be a daunting task to summarize the novel.