APC Constitution. The Constitution of the. University of California, Los Angeles. Asian Pacific Coalition. ARTICLE I. NAME. The name of this organization shall. Initiate action to amend our Constitution with a view to devolving powers, duties and responsibilities to states and local governments in order to entrench true. APC structure and pay whichever dues decided on, are eligible for membership. . Decide and determine the policy, programme and constitution of the APC.
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PROGRESSIVES CONGRESS, with the abbreviation APC hereinafter referred to as in the Federal Republic of Nigeria, the provisions of this Constitution shall. “Church Constitution” or “Constitution” means the Articles (including the accordance with Section of this by-law. ii. APC. General Operating By-law No. 2. Pastoral Council of the Archdiocese of Dubuque. Constitution and Bylaws. Adopted September 15, Revised: March 1, ; September 11, ; July
It argues that the use of the majoritarian principle by the colonial government created a recipe for ethnic entrepreneurism and identity politics in the colony and postcolony. The elitist Creoles and ascendant Temne in colonial Freetown, the seat of power, configured and shaped their identities for hegemonic advantages. In other words, members of different ethnic communities flocked in and out of various ethnic groups for instrumental reasons. The chapter notes that the circumstances and factors which resulted in the adoption of various constitutions between and induced a labyrinthine process of ethnic entrepreneurism and ethnoregional politics. The principles which undergirded the various constitutions impelled the dominant ethnic groups to adopt measures that gave them demographic advantage over others. This process is experimental and the keywords may be updated as the learning algorithm improves. This is a preview of subscription content, log in to check access.
Director of Human Resources e. Ensure compliance with the constitution and by-laws e. Take responsibility for the yearly review of the constitution and by-laws f. Track strategic goals and objectives g. Keep accurate minutes of all APCL meetings b. Prepare, maintain and distribute the current membership list to the Deanery Representatives d. Maintain a record of financial transactions c. Prepare an annual budget d. Present the budget at the APCL meeting in the spring e.
Shall generate such items as newsletters, forms, email alerts to membership c. Create and maintain links to social networking sites f. A discernment of Officer roles and responsibilities will take place each June.
If it is to be filled, a consensus of the Leadership Team shall determine the appointment of the new officer to serve until June The Deanery Representative shall: a.
Conduct the business and further development of APCL in accord with its mission b. This is why Omeje submits that internal party democracy is one issue that has consistently eluded Nigerian democracy because political parties have always been hijacked at all levels by powerful individuals who impose loyalist or sycophants as candidates for election.
Lack of internal democracy, therefore, has been the bane of Nigeria democracy. It is a blatant rape of democracy to foist or impose candidates on political parties whereas the delegates have better choice or aspirant they could have chosen as candidates in general election.
Democracy is about choice and to, in anyway subvert the will of the people is criminal. The internal wrangling in most of the political parties is due to no other reason but lack of internal democracy within the party framework.
A good indication of lack of internal party democracy in PDP is that tenure of the national leadership was often short lived the moment the chord holding them and the presidency together was broken.
Lack of internal party democracy is sustained through incumbency factor in situations where sitting executive are given automatic ticket by PDP to run under the party platform. Diamond in Aluko Closely related to the above definition is the definition by Tilde in Aluko The point being made is that lack of internal party democracy, incumbency syndrome, imposition of party executives and candidates, factionalization, intra-party crisis, ideological vacuum and electoral rigging, all depict the authoritarian character of the erstwhile ruling PDP.
One important fallout of authoritarianism of PDP in the form of lack of intra-party democracy and incumbency factor is defection or carpet crossing mainly, pre-election owing to the internal wrangling in PDP.
The spate of carpet crossing or defection to other political parties that has been witnessed in the country in the past few years has become a source of concern to political observers.
Therefore, Nigerian politicians merely see political parties as platforms for contesting and winning elections and not ideological platforms where they can constitute responsible opposition. Perhaps, the attraction of joining in the primitive accumulation of capital is too tempting for them to resist Mbah, This is the reason why most of the politicians defect to other political parties once they are not given the opportunity to contest under the platform of the ruling party, only to come back to the ruling party in the post-election period, win or lose.
In the event of winning, in order to consolidate in power or seek re-election, while in the case of losing in order to partake in the primitive accumulation of capital.
Thus, most members of other political parties are at one time members of PDP, and at other times, members of another political party, and vice versa.
Another important outcome of PDP authoritarianism coupled with liberalization of political parties by is proliferation of political parties from three political parties in to 30 political parties in to 51 political parties in and over 60 political parties in For example, according to report of P.
News Nigeria, September 6, , the lack of internal democracy has also led to the proliferation of political parties. Lack of internal democracy is a form of internal incumbency factor within the ruling party, which enables it to impose a candidate by given incumbents automatic tickets or foist party executives upon the party. In other words, it prevents the PDP from conducting credible primary elections, and such deepens intra-party crisis.
The implication being that PDP is not able to perform the role of widening or broadening the radius of political leadership recruitment within the party leading to defection in pre-election period. In and elections, for examples, there were many intra-party petitions in election tribunals.
We, therefore, conclude that the authoritarian character of the erstwhile ruling PDP deepened crisis of internal democracy in Nigeria, and that this authoritarianism of the ruling PDP was a reflection of the Nigerian state currently haunting the ruling APC. The implication is that this lack of internal party democracy in Nigerian political parties generally undermines the credibility of the entire electoral process thereby making the entire process undemocratic Egboh and Aniche, The David and Goliath: PDP, the self-acclaimed largest political party in Africa, boasted that it will dominate Nigerian political landscape for 60 years.
But its aspiration of ruling Nigeria for 60 years ended in 16 years with the outcomes of General Elections. For detailed information on the results of the Presidential Election, see Table 2 below. Table 2: Moreover, out of 29 states where gubernatorial elections were conducted in , APC won 20 states while PDP won 9 states. In the remaining seven states where gubernatorial elections were not conducted in due to staggered gubernatorial elections , APC controls 2 states; PDP controls 4 states; and APGA has one state.
In summary, APC has a total of 22 states out of the 36 states while PDP has a total of 13 states out of the 36 states of the Federation. Table 3: Naijaonpoint, Table 4: Reuters Nigeria Tribune, The information on Tables 2, 3 and 4 above shows how from being ruling party, PDP became an opposition political party while conversely from opposition party, APC became the ruling political party in Nigeria.
All these were attributable to authoritarianism, lack of internal democracy and party discipline in PDP. The APC also faces serious internal challenges, problems and factionalization. It gave pre-eminence to those governors who came from the PDP at the expense of other politicians who had laboured and sacrificed to build the party from scratch.
This is particularly a problem in the nineteen states where governors are completing their second, and final, four-year terms. Attempts by them to handpick their successors, instead of allowing state party members to nominate the candidate, and differences between the governors and national party leaders over the choice of the successors, have created multiple sources of friction.
However, from what transpired so far, it seems as if APC is heading the direction of PDP in the name of party supremacy. For example, few days to the inauguration of the Eight National Assembly, APC organized a sham mock internal party election electing Ahmed Lawan and Femi Gbajabiamila as their preferred candidates for the Senate President and House of Representatives Speaker, respectively. The crisis occasioned by this is still reverberating in the selection of other legislative leadership positions in the both chambers of the National Assembly.
The implication being that this lack of internal party democracy in Nigerian political parties generally undermines the credibility of the entire electoral process thereby making the entire process undemocratic.
The point being made is that the authoritarianism of the erstwhile ruling PDP was generally attributed to the low autonomy of the Nigerian state. Unfortunately, as we demonstrated earlier, the level of autonomy of the Nigerian state has generally been low right from colonial era. The transition from military rule to civilian rule on May 29, did not significantly impact on the autonomy of the Nigerian state given the continuous militarization of Nigerian society making political authoritarianism mandatory.
The low autonomy of the Nigerian state means that the state is authoritarian such that the outcome of the transition programme was that it transited from military authoritarianism to civilian authoritarianism, more specifically, PDP authoritarianism in Okafor, Okeke and Aniche, One implication of this was that it blurred the distinction between the Nigerian state, the Nigerian government and all the other agencies of the state, the Nigerian ruling class i.
It, therefore, created a situation where PDP was the state and the state was PDP or a situation where the head of state, the head of government and commander-in-chief of Nigeria was as well the de facto leader of the former ruling party, PDP, which was euphemistically referred to as incumbency factor. The authoritarianism of the PDP had, therefore, inhibited internal party democracy.
This propensity arises as a result of the low relative autonomy and authoritarian character of the Nigerian state and the ruling class irrespective of the political party in power. What is to be done? By so doing limits the involvement of the state in economy necessary for ensuring internal democracy in all political parties.
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