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University of Texas Press, , 32— Originally published as O diabo e a terra de Santa Cruz: Companhia das Letras, Companhia das Letras, ; Alida C. Both the Jurema Cult and the batuque stand in stark contrast to the successful repression of the Jaguaripe movement.
They were more widespread, longer lived, and never successfully repressed. The failure of the Inquisition to quell them needs to be explained. It also ordered the missionaries to examine all of the Indians under their jurisdiction who participated in the cult, to reprimand them severely, and to inform the In- quisition.
They could take this action because the bishop was fully empowered to proceed against heresy within his diocese. He claimed that the cult had spread to the villages of the Panaty, the Jacoca, the Pegas, and all the others in the region.
Many of the documents are severely damaged and in some cases com- pletely illegible. See Beatriz G.
Manuela Carneiro da Cunha, 2nd ed. By all accounts the new Jurema Cult was spreading quickly. How do we account for this?
The Coastal Brazilian tribes shared several common character- istics that help illuminate their responses to colonial conquest. The basic unit of organization for coastal Indians was the multifamily village. Yet his authority was always constrained by the consent of the villagers. Music, dance, trance, smoke, and hallucinogenic drugs formed part of their panoply of power. The Dutch invasion and occupation —54 of much of the northeast in the early seventeenth century destabilized the entire region and permitted indigenous communities to reassert their in- dependence.
Many even sided with the Dutch. In the 15 John M. South America, vol. Frank Salomon and Stuart B. Schwartz Cambridge: Cam- bridge University Press, , — Localized rebellions and disturbances per- sisted in different areas of the northeast well into the twentieth century.
The missionary program usually included the religious instruction of village children, the displacement of the shamans as religious leaders of the com- munity, and the conversion of headmen in the hopes that villagers would follow suit.
By the end of the mid-seventeenth century, virtually all Indians of the littoral northeast lived in missionized villages or had lived in them. But we must not be deceived into assuming that this meant they had been successfully acculturated. The frequent interruptions of missionary activity through warfare, disease, dislocation, political turmoil, famine, resistance, and rebellion all limited the extent of assimilation and acculturation. Hence, despite serious disruptions of indigenous life and very real changes, indigenous culture and religion persisted and remained available for reassertion and reinterpretation.
History of Religions The Jurema Cult of the early eighteenth century drew its ritual, sym- bolism, and meaning from indigenous tradition. This new cult revolved around the consumption of a hallucinogenic mixture called jurema, the ritual use of tobacco smoke, and dancing.
It may also have included the roots of a type of rush. Modern ethnographic studies have shown how eighteenth-century Indians may have processed the plant: The active ingredient in jurema is apparently DMT dimethyltryp- tamine. It is not known what else might have been added to the mixture, although more recent practices suggest that honey may have added a touch of sweetness.
Unfortunately, Father Calvatam did not, or could not, describe the deeper spiritual beliefs that inspired the movement and gave it meaning. He saw it as a diabolical perversion and only described the practices and beliefs that he perceived as dangerous, threatening, or heretical.
According to Father Calvatam, the Indians claimed that those who drank the jurema would not die. But those who did not drink 17 The ritual associated with most indigenous dances in the northeast included the con- sumption of some kind of beverage. Companhia Editor Nacional, , Intermediate Technology, Clifford E.
Landers New York: Oxford University Press, , 53— Those who knew how to make the jurema, and who consequently became the leaders of the movement, were called mestres da jurema masters of jurema. It also seems likely that the mestres were re- sponsible for spreading the cult to other indigenous communities.
As with other indigenous and African rituals, the drinking of the jurema included dancing. The participants danced, apparently in a circle, until they fainted and fell to the ground as if dead. Where Lima found the mestre making the sign of the cross with the tobacco smoke and invoking the names of Jesus Christ, God, Mother of God, Our Lady, Eternal Father, and Father Cicero, none of the eighteenth-century descriptions indicate any syncretism in the cult. It was this aspect of the ritual that most disturbed the priests who de- nounced the practice.
According to the missionaries, while all the partici- pants were drunk, the devil appeared in the form of an angel and divined future events. He also came in the form of a goat and stood in the midst of them as they all danced around him.
The goat also allegedly spoke with the mestre who was the only one to understand. One informant stated, however, that he never saw a goat, but only a small deer. The drug often produced horrible hallucinations as well, which frightened some into never taking the drink again. Some reported to have seen cadavers with open mouths and hair that looked like snakes. Others claimed to have seen beautiful things such as palaces, paintings, and churches.
Some claimed to have seen the sky open and the dead arise to sit next to them without speaking. History of Religions Catholicism. Some Indians also refused to accept the sacraments and did not believe that Christ was in the Eucharist.
The old Indians were the most obstinate, he claimed, and they disrupted the performance of communion, catcalling the priests while they performed it. They began to seek outside sources of power to help them deal with a movement they saw as dangerous and threatening.
But the Inquisition took no action. The botched attempt by the Council of Missions in to capture a mestre de jurema seems not to have been repeated. This botched attempt was the only serious effort to reign in the move- ment. He did not possess the authority to make either order, however. But due to delays in gathering the ten soldiers and the priest, the Indians in the village had time to be apprised of the situation, arm themselves, and prepare to resist. They did so, killing some six to nine Indians, including one woman, and injuring three others.
The Indians of the village retaliated against the four Indians who were with the troops, killing one of them, but not harming any of the white soldiers. Likewise, there is no evidence to suggest that the use of jurema was spreading to the non-Indian population at this time. But it had already spread geographically and racially by the end of the eighteenth century. The Inquisition ordered an investigation because of the clear disrespect shown the image of Christ and the clear evidence of religious blending.
The witness indicated that the participants often spoke of miraculous things they saw in the heavens and even spoke with demons.
The witness also indicated that whites, pardos, and women participated regularly in the ceremonies. One witness stated that this practice was common among all the Indians in the region and that they did it every day.
They resisted with the help of some local authorities, and, in the end, Antonio Teixiera discontinued the inves- tigation after questioning only seven witnesses.
He reported to the Inqui- sition that he thought the witnesses were vacillating and that he simply could not acquire the necessary information. Clearly, jurema use was much more widespread by the end of the eighteenth century. And it was beginning to gain a following among the mixed race and white population from which it eventually spread to Afro- Brazilian religions.
Similarities in ritual—including the use of tobacco, drug-induced trance, and dancing—made such a transmission not only possible, but likely. Hence, the religious use of jurema continued and re- surfaced in the twentieth century as an expression of indigenous cultural identity and in Afro-Brazilian religious organizations. Lima argued in that the earliest documented use of jurema dated to in the site and that before that time it was only used sporadically by northeastern tribes.
The most common spirit deity to bear the name jurema is the Caboclo Jurema. The jurema was originally served in a wooden pot with feathers around the edge indicating its indigenous origins. University of Pennsylvania Press, , 75— Editorial Alhambra, , From here it probably spread to the site by the s, as Lima guessed. It was then elaborated upon until Lima discovered and described a deeply syncretic ceremony in the s.
Until now, there has been no documentation to demonstrate when jurema came to be used regularly in indigenous cults and how colonial authorities responded to its use. So why did colonial authorities fail in their halfhearted attempts to suppress the cult and why did the Inquisition not act more vigorously on the denunciations it received?
Local authorities appealed to the Inquisition as one of those institutions. But the Inquisition did not respond largely because, as with the baptism of slaves, it probably saw this as a matter best left to the bishop until it in- volved sacrilege and the non-Indian population. Then the wheels of the inquisitional bureaucracy began to turn, but the Inquisition failed, once again, because of indigenous resistance and the death of the accused leader.
Stewart, Peyote Religion: A History Norman: University of Oklahoma Press, Paulo Prado, ; Rodolfo Garcia, ed. Vozes, Leuven University Press, When measured on the scale of danger to the colonial order, the Jurema Cult came up wanting and did not justify the effort and expense that repression would have generated.
Thus the Jurema Cult remained free to rearticulate ancient indigenous religious practices, ritual, and pharmacological traditions, which permitted the Indian population to reach for the divine much as their ancestors had for millennia. Slaves in Pernambuco worked in virtually every sector of the economy, in almost every form of skilled and unskilled labor. Some slaves lived in close quarters and had almost daily contact with their owners, while other slaves rarely saw their masters—and only then to pay them the already agreed-on portion of their earnings.
These slaves enjoyed a certain amount of prosperity, while others wallowed in miserable poverty, often suffering from severe malnutrition and brutal physical punishment. Slaves also came from a wide range of ethnic backgrounds, and, when tensions arose, they often split along ethnic lines.
They lived alongside the growing mass of freed and freeborn blacks and mixed-race peoples who began to swell the coastal cities in the eighteenth century. Sometimes they cooperated, and sometimes they competed.
The story of Brazilian slavery is marked by those episodes when slaves struggled to improve their situation through strategic disobedience, resis- tance, and outright rebellion. They and their descendants also continued to reach for the divine in ways that were familiar and comforting.
Rotinas e rupturas do escravismo no Recife, — Recife: History of Religions of Christianity or created new religious amalgamations rooted in their African traditions. One tradition that cut across ethnic and social lines and one privilege that Africans both slave and free stubbornly asserted was the opportunity to come together to sing and to dance. In Pernambuco, both free and slave people of African origin participated in dances on religious holidays, Sundays, and at night.
In some cases, the gatherings could be quite large. These dances were probably as much social as they were re- ligious, offering entertainment and diversion from lives that often centered on hard labor, drudgery, and harsh discipline.
Some argued that these dances were harmless and represented the only recreation available to slaves. Those who wished to suppress such practices argued that they were licentious, superstitious, and provided opportunities for the hatching of plots and rebellions and were therefore dangerous to the security and tranquillity of society. As the unrest of the late colonial period increased, slave uprisings became more frequent throughout Brazil, and these debates took on much greater urgency.
To pacify a growing and disgruntled mob, one of the friars held up an image of Christ and declared that the Lord had ordered them to do it, whereupon the blacks hesitated and began to quiet down. In other parts of Brazil, Jurema has taken on the general meaning of "forest" or "realm of the caboclos.
Consultas diretas, geralmente gostam de trabalhos de ajuda profissional. They are confused with demons by the use of tridents, but the Tridents were never Satan's but Poseidon's, and they symbolize the fight against all evil. The offerings are made in the Small Kalunga cemetery or at crossroads. The offerings are done only when required by the spirits, never intending to harm anyone.
They never use black magic or ask for animal sacrifice. They protect people while they're on the streets, roads, nightclubs, etc.
It is seen as a means of "cleansing" the terreiro. The Umbanda house Cabocla Yacira has taken this one step further. On Monday nights the terreiro is opened to the public, many of whom are recent migrants from the interior.
Mais ainda, por estar comigo e me defendendo. Made it into festa de umbanda, by martinho da vila- slightly different lyric- 8. In one aspect he is a carousing spirit who loves to drink and dance.
This ponto was recorded at a Sunday session at the Cabocla Yacira Umbanda house. After a long series of introductory pontos, a special sequence was begun to summon Ogum. The music is punctuated by rockets fired off randomly nearby, and the soundof their explosions combines with voices and percussion to produce this piece of trance music. After a long series of introductory pontos, a special 18 sequence was begun to summon Ogum.
The music is punctuated by rockets fired off randomly nearby, and the sound of their explosions combines with voices and percussion to produce this piece of trance music. In Yoruba mythology, Ogum the blacksmith-warrior and Oxossi the forest hunter are brothers, and this relationship is preserved in the sequence heard here.
The greeting song following the Umbanda possession sequence was recorded at the batuque of Pai Jurandir during the festival for Saint Sebastian, January 20, In batuque ceremonies, the arrival of important deities is marked with special greeting songs.
Recorded during the St. No attempt was made by the batuque drummers to reproduce Ketu drumming style. It is modelled on the large-scale celebrations of Rio and Salvador.
Many of these pontos are of southern Brazilian origin. They are accompanied only by hand claps, a style typical of some Umbanda centers located in urban residential neighborhoods.